Caste in Indian Islam: A Hidden Hierarchy
Despite Islam’s egalitarian ethos as expressed in the Qur’an, caste-based stratification is a social reality for millions of Muslims in South Asia. While Islam, in principle, rejects the hereditary hierarchy found in Hindu casteism, the Indian Muslim community has long developed its own parallel system. This article critically explores the historical development, structure, and socio-political impact of this stratification among Indian Muslims, particularly focusing on the Ashraf–Ajlaf–Arzal division and the rise of the Pasmanda discourse.
1. The Ideal of Equality in Islam
The Qur’an strongly emphasizes the spiritual equality of all believers:
“O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, so that you may know one another. Verily, the most honored of you in the sight of God is the most righteous of you.”
— Qur’an 49:13
Prophet Muhammad also famously stated in his final sermon:
“All mankind is from Adam and Eve. An Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor does a non-Arab have any superiority over an Arab... except by piety and good action.”
These ideals, however, often failed to shape the social realities of Muslim societies, particularly when Islam spread into caste-conscious regions like the Indian subcontinent.
2. Origins of Caste Stratification in Indian Islam
The caste-like stratification among South Asian Muslims emerged over centuries due to a combination of sociopolitical, cultural, and colonial factors:
Arab-Persian Elitism: From the very beginning, Muslims of foreign descent (Arabs, Persians, Turks, and Afghans) considered themselves superior to local converts. This ethnocentric hierarchy soon fused with caste-consciousness.
Conversion Patterns: Many conversions to Islam occurred from the lower castes and oppressed classes of Hindu society. While conversion offered spiritual relief, it rarely changed one's social status.
Mughal Patronage: The Mughal Empire favored Ashrafs—foreign-origin Muslims and upper-caste Hindu converts—thereby reinforcing elite dominance.
Colonial Census and Administration: The British codified these caste categories in their censuses and legal practices, legitimizing the divisions further.
3. The Ashraf–Ajlaf–Arzal Hierarchy
The hierarchy among Indian Muslims is usually described in four major groupings:
1. Ashraf
These are the traditional elites, often claiming foreign descent:
Lineages: Syeds (descendants of the Prophet), Sheikhs, Mughals, Pathans.
Social Role: Religious scholars, judges (qadis), nobles, and administrators.
Analogy: Roughly equivalent to Brahmins or Kshatriyas in Hindu society.
2. Ajlaf (or Atraf)
These are local converts, often from artisan or service castes:
Occupations: Weavers (Julaha), barbers (Nai), oil pressers (Teli), tailors.
Status: Considered socially inferior by the Ashrafs despite shared faith.
3. Arzal
These are converts from Dalit castes, historically considered “untouchable” even by other Muslims.
Occupations: Butchers (Qasai), sweepers (Halalkhor), washermen (Dhobi).
Stigma: Subject to similar taboos and discrimination as Hindu Dalits.
4. Pasmanda
This is a modern political and social term, encompassing both Ajlafs and Arzals—collectively accounting for ~85% of Indian Muslims1.
4. Evidence of Discrimination
Despite Islamic teachings of equality, empirical data suggests pervasive discrimination:
Political Marginalization: A 2005 study found that out of 400 Muslim MPs in Indian history, 360 were Ashraf2.
Educational Disparities: A 2019 analysis of Aligarh Muslim University faculty revealed 88.35% from Ashraf backgrounds, with only 4.81% from lower castes3.
Communal Violence: Victims of riots and lynchings are overwhelmingly from Pasmanda communities, reflecting their economic vulnerability4.
Religious Institutions: Leadership in madrassas, mosques, and Islamic organizations is heavily dominated by Ashrafs.
5. The Rise of Pasmanda Assertion
Beginning in the 1990s, and gaining strength in the 2000s, the Pasmanda movement emerged as a powerful voice for backward-caste Muslims:
Leaders like Ali Anwar and organizations like Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz began articulating demands for inclusion, political representation, and social justice.
Slogans like “Dalit-Pichda ek saman, Hindu ho ya Musalman” (“Dalit and Backward are the same, whether Hindu or Muslim”) blurred the communal divide in favor of class and caste-based solidarity.
Contemporary Politics: Prime Minister Modi’s outreach to Pasmanda Muslims is a recent example of how caste has become an unavoidable axis of identity even among Muslims5.
6. Theological Silence and Denial
Mainstream Islamic scholarship often denies the existence of caste in Islam, attributing it to “un-Islamic practices” or “Hindu influence.” While partially true, this denial has:
Prevented meaningful internal reform.
Enabled dominant Ashraf narratives to monopolize Islamic discourse in India.
Silenced the voices of oppressed Muslim castes within theological debates.
7. Implications and the Way Forward
The caste question in Indian Islam is not merely an anomaly—it is a deep contradiction between theology and practice. Addressing it requires:
Acknowledgment from within the community and among scholars.
Policy intervention to include Pasmanda Muslims in affirmative action.
Breaking elite monopolies in religious, academic, and political institutions.
Cross-community solidarity based on caste rather than religion alone.
Conclusion
Caste stratification in Indian Islam illustrates the universal human tendency to reproduce hierarchy—even within ideologies that preach equality. As the Pasmanda movement gains momentum, Indian Muslims face a historic opportunity to confront internal inequality and redefine their collective identity not through ancestry, but through justice.
References
Footnotes
Ali Anwar, Masavat ki Jung: Pasmanda Muslim Andolan ka Safarnama, Vani Prakashan, 2001. ↩
Yoginder Sikand, “Caste in Indian Muslim Society,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 40, No. 4 (2005). ↩
Raheel Dhattiwala, “Muslim Inequality Within: Caste Disparities in AMU,” EPW, Vol. 54, Issue No. 6 (2019). ↩
Sachar Committee Report, Government of India, 2006. ↩
Shoaib Daniyal, “Why BJP is wooing Pasmanda Muslims,” Scroll.in, 2022. ↩
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